The fight against Marital Rape

1 in 7 women will be sexually assaulted by her husband. Sexual contact gained through force, coercion, manipulation or fear of harm is rape.
Only 16% of rapes are ever reported to the police.

Only 2% of rapists are convicted and imprisoned!
Are you pissed off yet???
Had more then enough??
Because I have!

Ladies Please....If nothing else Protect yourself and your beautiful babies. Even if you are not in an abusive relationship, you should still keep yourself protected. Because nothing in this life is guaranteed. PROTECT YOURSELF!
1) Get a JOB! Even if it is part time. Or a job that you do at home...as long as you are making an income of your own.

2) SAVE!!! Just for you. In a separate Bank account. With only you having access to it.

3)TALK to your POLICE station...Do a dry run their so you know how to get there in an emergency. Let them know whats going on. Its safer and if there ever is a problem they know you and are much more likely to believe you then him. It also tells them that if there is ever a 911 hang up from your phone, they wont take it likely and they will respond quickly.

4) KEEP a phone book with all the important numbers and addresses in it. Hell, have a bag packed (one that you can carry in a hurry) with a change of clothes (weather appropriate)and Children stuff and emergency money and spare keys!

5)Do the PAPERWORK too! know how to write a check, how to pay the bills, what the bills are, what money is invested and where that information is kept! Knowledge is POWER!!!

6)Don't GO BACK for your pets! I know that it is hard to do. But going back could mean the difference between getting out and getting out alive!

7)Stick up for YOURSELF! Partner abuse, even in the early stages of a relationship...Has warning signs. (I know because I ignored the ones that were given to me). STOP IT AT THE BEGINNING!!! Abusers are bullies and are so because no one stands up to them! Voice your feelings and your strength! Tell them in the beginning that, that behavior is not acceptable! This will show him that you are not afraid to stick up for yourself!

8)This one is hard. REPORT IT! Even if you think...."all he did was pull a knife on me", "all he did was kick the wall in". It has to be reported! Or else you will be in my position... bad memories and not enough proof to stand up in court! Please.....Report it! Even the small stuff!

9)This one is the hardest! You have to LEAVE! you have to. maybe he will get better... I doubt it. Most don't know that they have a problem. And the ones that do, need professional help. You cant provide that. And you are only hurting yourself and your children. So please... we all have to do the hard steps in life... it took me 2 years to work up the courage to leave... and I did it when it was the safest time. Please Protect yourself and your loved ones!
Eighteen percent of young women experience sexual victimization.
BUFFALO, N.Y. -- Sexual victimization can mean several things -- verbal coercion to have sex with an intimate partner, rape by a stranger, a woman fondled in a bar or forced intercourse when a woman is too intoxicated to consent or object.Researchers at the University at Buffalo's Research Institute on Addictions report that 18 percent of young women recruited into a study experienced sexual victimization in a two-year period. Victimization was defined as unwanted sexual contact, verbally coerced sex, rape or attempted rape. Among this group, the majority (approximately 66 percent) stated that their victimization was perpetrated by an intimate partner.Importantly, it was found that sexual victimization of women by intimate partners and non-intimate partners are two completely separate phenomena. Two different sets of risk factors exist for victimization by two different types of perpetrators."Because risk factors or predictors for the two different types of sexual victimization differ, considering them separately allowed us to see who is vulnerable to which type of experience," stated Maria Testa, Ph.D., lead investigator on the study and RIA senior research scientist. "It also has suggested the need for tailoring prevention strategies to each type of experience."The research results were published in the February 2007 issue of the Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology.Testa and colleagues investigated whether women's substance use, sexual activity and lack of assertiveness in refusing sexual advances might contribute to sexual victimization by both intimate partners and non-intimate partners. For purposes of this study, an intimate partner was defined as a boyfriend/dating partner, husband, ex-boyfriend or ex-husband. All other perpetrators were classified as non-intimates and included acquaintances and friends, and more rarely, relatives, groups and strangers.Initially through in-person interviews at the institute and subsequently through questionnaires mailed to their homes, 927 women averaging 24 years of age at the beginning of the study reported their experiences of sexual victimization at three time points. The sample of women ages 18-30 was representative of Buffalo and Erie County with 75 percent of the women identifying themselves as Caucasian, 17 percent as African American and small percentages as Hispanic, Asian, and Native American. Average income was $35,000 and 40 percent of the women were enrolled in college. Most were unmarried and employed either full- or part-time.The factors that predicted victimization from intimates were different than the factors that predicted victimization from non-intimates. Predictors of intimate partner victimization included being married or living together, prior intimate partner victimization and difficulty refusing a partner's request for sex. Thus, women who experience this type of sexual victimization are at risk of experiencing it multiple times, by virtue of remaining in relationships with sexually aggressive men.A predictor of victimization by a non-intimate perpetrator was binge drinking. "One explanation for this may be that a perpetrator who is not intimately acquainted with a victim is more likely to take advantage of a woman's intoxication as a way to facilitate having sex with her," according to Testa. "Women who are heavy drinkers or binge drinkers typically drink outside the home and in the presence of others who are drinking, reflecting a lifestyle that poses greater risk from men they don't know."Another predictor of victimization by a non-intimate perpetrator was engaging in sex with a greater number of sexual partners. This behavior also increased risk for subsequent sexual victimization due to exposure to a greater number of potential perpetrators.Testa suggests that prevention strategies to reduce sexual victimization by non-intimate partners should be designed to reduce heavy episodic drinking, as well as the number of sexual partnerships, especially in populations such as female college students. Different strategies are necessary to prevent sexual victimization from intimate partners and might include assertiveness training for women about how to effectively refuse sexual advances and discouraging young women from entering or remaining in coercive relationships.###Co-authors on the report included Carol VanZile-Tamsen, Ph.D., formerly of RIA and currently a research analyst with UB's Office of Institutional Analysis, and Jennifer A. Livingston, Ph.D., RIA research scientist.This research was supported with grants from the National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism and the Office of Research on Women's Health.The Research Institute on Addictions has been a leader in the study of addictions since 1970 and a research center of the University at Buffalo since 1999.The University at Buffalo is a premier research-intensive public university, the largest and most comprehensive campus in the State University of New York.

INTRODUCTION
While the legal definition varies within the United States, marital rape can be defined as any unwanted intercourse or penetration (vaginal, anal, or oral) obtained by force, threat of force, or when the wife is unable to consent (Bergen, 1996; Pagelow, 1984; Russell, 1990). Most studies of marital rape have included couples who are legally married, separated, divorced or cohabiting with the understanding that the dynamics of sexual violence in a long-term cohabiting relationship are similar to those of a married couple (Mahoney & Williams, 1998). For this reason, this document will include women who are raped by their current marital partners, previous marital partners, and cohabitors as survivors of marital rape. To date, no study of marital rape has included cohabiting gay and lesbian couples. Diana Russell’s (1990) landmark study of sexual assault that involved interviews with 930 women in a randomly selected representative community sample in San Francisco established that marital rape is a serious problem that millions of women face each year. Researchers estimate that between 10% and 14% of married women experience rape in marriage (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1990). When researchers have examined the prevalence of different types of rape, they have found that marital rape accounts for approximately 25% of all rapes (Randall & Haskall, 1995; Resnick, Kilpatrick, Walsh, & Vernon, 1991). Rape in marriage is an extremely prevalent form of sexual violence, particularly when we consider that women who are involved in physically abusive relationships may be especially vulnerable to rape by their partners. Studies using clinical samples of battered women reveal that between one third and one half of battered women are raped by their partners at least once (Bergen, 1996; Browne, 1993; Campbell, 1989). Despite the prevalence of marital rape, this problem has received relatively little attention from social scientists, practitioners, the criminal justice system, and larger society as a whole. In fact it was not until the 1970’s that we began, as a society, to acknowledge that rape in marriage could even occur. Despite this acknowledgement and the recent changes in legislation that have criminalized rape in marriage, there is still much that we do not know about this type of intimate violence. The intent of this report is to briefly summarize what we do know about rape in marriage (for a comprehensive review of the literature on marital rape see Mahoney & Williams, 1998). This report will provide an overview of the research on marital rape with (1) a brief legal history of marital rape; (2) a discussion of the occurrence of marital rape; (3) a summary of the effects of marital rape; and (4) an analysis of practitioners’ interventions with marital rape survivors.
A BRIEF LEGAL HISTORY OF MARITAL RAPE Much of the scholarly attention that has been given to marital rape has emerged from the legal community. This has occurred because throughout the history of most societies, it has been acceptable for men to force their wives to have sex against their will. The traditional definition of rape in the United States most commonly was, “sexual intercourse with a female not his wife without her consent” (Barshis, 1983, p. 383). As Finkelhor and Yllo (1985) have argued, this provided husbandswith an exemption from prosecution for raping their wives—a “license to rape” (See Drucker, 1979; Eskow, 1996; and Sitton, 1993, for a discussion of the marital exemption). The foundation of this exemption can be traced back to statements made by Sir Matthew Hale, Chief Justice in 17th century England. Hale wrote, “The husband cannot be guilty of a rape committed by himself upon his lawful wife, for by their mutual matrimonial consent and contract, the wife hath given herself in kind unto the husband which she cannot retract” (quoted in Russell, 1990, p.17). This established the notion that once married, a woman does not have the right to refuse sex with her husband. This rationale remained largely unchallenged until the 1970’s when some members of the women’s movement argued for the elimination of the spousal exemption because it failed to provide equal protection from rape to all women (Bidwell & White, 1986; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). On July 5, 1993, marital rape became a crime in all 50 states, under at least one section of the sexual offense codes. In 17 states and the District of Columbia, there are no exemptions from rape prosecution granted to husbands. However, in 33 states, there are still some exemptions given to husbands from rape prosecution. When his wife is most vulnerable (e.g., she is mentally or physically impaired, unconscious, asleep, etc.) and is legally unable to consent, a husband is exempt from prosecution in many of these 33 states (Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990). Table 1, based on the findings of the National Clearinghouse on Marital and Date Rape (1998), is a state law chart that indicates which states have some exemptions from prosecuting husbands for rape. The existence of some spousal exemptions in the majority of states indicates that rape in marriage is still treated as a lesser crime than other forms of rape. This perpetuates marital rape by conveying the message that such acts of aggression are somehow less reprehensible than other types of rape. Importantly, the existence of any spousal exemption indicates an acceptance of the archaic understanding that wives are the property of their husbands and the marriage contract is an entitlement to sex (Russell, 1990).
THE OCCURRENCE OF MARITAL RAPE To date, the best research on marital rape has come from interviews with women about their experiences of sexual violence. This body of research has its limitations (it may not represent those women who are raped by their husbands for years but never talk about it; and it may over-represent women who are raped and battered because samples of women in battered women’s shelters are frequently used); however, it has provided us with important information about how some women experience rape in marriage. Information about marital rape will be presented in the following sections: (1) social characteristics of survivors; (2) types of marital rape; and (3) risk factors of marital rape. Social Characteristics of Marital Rape Survivors Marital rape occurs in all types of marriages regardless of age, social class, race or ethnicity. In the largest study, Russell (1990) found that women were raped by their partners at a variety of ages; however, almost two-thirds of the wives were first raped by their husbands when they were under the age of 25. Social class is a more difficult variable to measure and the literature is less conclusive. Russell (1990) found that women in the upper middle class were slightly over-represented among marital rape survivors while Finkelhor and Yllo (1985) found that those from lower socialclass backgrounds were more likely to report experiencing marital rape. With regard to race, Russell (1990) found that the rate of marital rape was slightly higher for African-American women than white women, Latinas, and Asian women, respectively. Research has also revealed some variation with regard to women’s decisions to leave their husband-rapists. Latinas were less likely than other women to immediately define their experiences of forced sex as “rape” and terminate their relationships; some viewed sex as a marital obligation (Bergen, 1996). Russell (1990) found that whitewomen were less likely to stay with their husbandrapists than African-American, Latina, and Asian women. Economic resources played a particularly significant role in women’s ability to leave as those women who were most likely to leave their husband- rapists were the ones who were financially independent (Russell, 1990). Russell’s research also revealed that traditional wives (measured by conformity to traditional female sex roles) were more likely to blame themselves for the violence and stay with their husbands. The lack of racial, ethnic, and cultural diversity in samples of marital rape survivors makes generalizations difficult; however, these findings point to the importance of addressing cultural variation and differential understandings of what constitutes one’s wifely duty. Types of Marital Rape It appears that marital rape is most likely to occur in relationships characterized by other forms of violence. This has led some researchers to argue that marital rape is “just one extension of domestic violence” (Johnson & Sigler, 1997, p. 22). On one hand, viewing rape in marriage as a form of domestic violence is logical given that researchers have found that the majority of women who are raped by their partners are also battered. In “battering rapes,” women experience both physical and sexual violence in the relationship (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). Women who are raped and battered by their partners experience the violence in various ways—e.g. some are battered during the sexual violence or the rape may follow a physically violent episode where the husband wants to “make up” and coerces his wife to have sex against her will (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). Other women experience what has been labeled “sadistic” or “obsessive” rape; these assaults involve torture and/or “perverse” sexual acts and are often physically violent. Pornography is frequently involved with sadistic forms of rape (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). On the other side of this debate, some have argued that marital rape should not be subsumed under the heading of domestic violence because doing so in the past has led to rape in marriage being overlooked as a distinctive problem (for more on this debate see Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990). It is necessary to recognize marital rape as a distinctive problem because for many women who are battered and raped, the sexual violence is particularly devastating and that trauma must be addressed specifically by service providers (Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985). Additionally, it is problematic to assume that marital rape survivors are all battered wives because this ignores the reality that some women are raped by their husbands but do not experience other forms of violence. It must be reiterated that most of the research on marital rape has been conducted with battered women. This methodological problem may overstate the extent to which women are both battered and raped by their partners. Indeed, Russell (1990) found that four percent of women in her sample who had ever been married had been raped by their partners but not battered. In what Finkelhor and Yllo (1985) have called “force-only rape,” husbands use only the amount of force necessary to coerce their wives; battering may not be characteristic of these relationships. Forty percent of Finkelhor and Yllo’s sample of women were victims of “force-only rape.” Thus, to categorize marital rape only as an extension of domestic violence excludes these women and their experiences. As we will address later, it is important for advocates who are involved in trying to end violence against women to see marital rape both as a form of rape and of domestic violence in order to assist survivors. This assistance may be particularly necessary given that women who are raped by their husbands are likely to be raped many times—often 20 times or more before they are able to end the violence (Bergen, 1996; Finkelhor & Yllo, 1985; Russell, 1990). Marital rape survivors not only experience a higher number of assaults, but research indicates that they are more likely than women raped by acquaintances to experience unwanted oral and anal intercourse (Peacock, 1995). Husbands often rape their wives when they are asleep, or use coercion, verbal threats, physical violence, or weapons to force their wives to have sex. Importantly, some researchers have found that compared to batterers, men who batter and rape are particularly dangerous men and are more likely to severely injure their wives and potentially escalate the violence to murder (Browne, 1987; Campbell, 1989). Risk Factors Most researchers of marital rape agree that rape in marriage is an act of violence - an abuse of power by which a husband attempts to establish dominance and control over his wife. While the research thus far reveals no composite picture of a husband-rapist, these men are often portrayed as jealous, domineering individuals who feel a sense of entitlement to have sex with their “property.” Given this, women appear to be particularly at risk for being raped by their partners under some circumstances. As was previously indicated, women who are battered are at greater likelihood of being raped by their partners (Frieze, 1983). Additionally, pregnancy appears to be a factor that places women at higher risk for both physical and sexual abuse (Bergen, 1996; Browne, 1993; Campbell, 1989). Being ill or recently discharged from the hospital are also risk factors for women (Campbell & Alford, 1989; Mahoney & Williams, 1998). As research with battered women has previously revealed, women are at particularly high risk of experiencing physical and sexual violence whey they attempt to leave their abusers for this represents a challenge to their abusers’ control. Finkelhor and Yllo (1985) found that two thirds of the women in their sample were sexually assaulted at the end of the relationship. Other researchers have found that women who are separated or divorced from their partners appear to be at high risk for sexual abuse (Dobash & Dobash, 1992; Kurz, 1997; Russell, 1990). Some researchers have noted other risk factors including drug and alcohol use by the abuser, and previous experiences of sexual abuse among the victims. However, these factors are perceived as more controversial and the research is far from conclusive (Frieze, 1983; Russell, 1990; Whatley, 1996).
THE EFFECTS OF MARITAL RAPE Despite the historical myth that rape by one’s partner is a relatively insignificant event causing little trauma, research indicates that marital rape often has severe and long-lasting consequences for women. The physical effects of marital rape may include injuries to the vaginal and anal areas, lacerations, soreness, bruising, torn muscles, fatigue and vomiting (Adams, 1993; Bergen, 1996). Women who have been battered and raped by their husbands may suffer other physical consequences including broken bones, black eyes, bloody noses, and knife wounds that occur during the sexual violence. Campbell and Alford (1989) report that one half of the marital rape survivors in their sample were kicked, hit or burned during sex. Specific gynecological consequences of marital rape include vaginal stretching, miscarriages, stillbirths, bladder infections, infertility and the potential contraction of sexually transmitted diseases including HIV (Campbell & Alford, 1989). Some researchers have compared the psychological effects of being raped by one’s partner to other forms of violence. Given that women who are raped by their partners are likely to experience multiple assaults, completed sexual attacks, and rape by someone that they once presumably loved and trusted, it is not surprising that marital rape survivors seem to suffer severe and long-term psychological consequences (Kilpatrick, Best, Saunders, & Vernon, 1988; Frieze, 1983). Similar to other survivors of sexual violence, some of the short-term effects of marital rape include anxiety, shock, intense fear, depression, suicidal ideation, and post-traumatic stress disorder (Bergen, 1996; Kilpatrick et al., 1988; Russell, 1990). Compared to women raped by strangers and those whom they don’t know well, marital rape survivors report even higher rates of anger and depression (Koss, Dinero, Siebel, & Cox, 1988). Long-term effects often include disordered eating, sleep problems, depression, problems establishing trusting relationships, and increased negative feelings about themselves (Bergen, 1996; Frieze, 1983). Research has also indicated that the psychological effects are likely to be long lasting—some marital rape survivors report flash-backs, sexual dysfunction, and emotional pain for years after the violence (Bergen, 1996; Whatley, 1993). INTERVENTION WITH MARITAL RAPE SURVIVORS Experts estimate that survivors of marital rape are less likely than other survivors of violence to report their assaults to formal service providers, friends, or family members. This estimation is grounded in studies that show women who are raped by acquaintances are less likely than those raped by strangers to report their assaults (Koss et al., 1988; Mahoney & Williams, 1998). Reporting rape in marriage may become even more complicated because of a woman’s relationship to her assailant. Women raped by their husbands may hesitate to report because of family loyalty, fear of their abuser’s retribution, inability to leave the relationship, or they may not know that rape in marriage is against the law. Furthermore, many researchers have written about the discomfort that women feel when they discuss the sexual violence experienced with their partners (Bergen, 1996; Browne, 1987; Russell, 1990). A final compelling reason for women’s under-reporting is that many do not define their experiences of forced sex in marriage as rape. Some believe that only stranger rape is “real rape;” and other women see sex in marriage as an obligation and define forced sex as a “wifely duty,” not rape (Bergen, 1996). If they do not define their experiences as rape, women are unlikely to seek outside assistance to stop the violence. Research indicates that when women do seek assistance for marital rape, there is often a failure on behalf of others including police officers, religious advisers, battered women’s shelter advocates, and rape crisis counselors to provide adequate assistance. The following sections will address each of these groups of service providers. Police There is a large body of research that addresses the inadequate response of the police to the problem of wife abuse (e.g. Pagelow, 1992; Saunders & Size, 1986; Stanko, 1985). The limited research on the question of police response to marital rape reveals an equally dismal picture. The majority of women reporting their assaults to the police in studies by Bergen (1996), Frieze (1983) and Russell (1990) found the police to be unresponsive. Bergen’s (1996) interviews with marital rape survivors reveal that when police officers learn that the assailant is the woman’s husband, they may fail to respond to a call from a victim of marital rape, refuse to allow a woman to file a complaint, and/or refuse to accompany her to the hospital to collect medical evidence. Frieze (1983) argues that police officers are even less responsive to survivors of marital rape than they are to battered women. Recommendations for police departments include educating officers about the reality of wife rape; teaching officers how to sensitively ask women about sexual violence when they respond to domestic violence calls; confronting sexist attitudes that assume women are the property of their husbands and, thus, unrapeable; holding police departments accountable for their non-responsiveness; and involving more women police officers in domestic violence and rape cases (Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990). Religious Advisors Many women do not feel comfortable contacting the police, and alternatively choose to speak with their religious advisers. Researchers have found that support for women in violent relationships is not always forthcoming from religious advisers. In a study of battered women, Bowker (1983) found that they ranked clergy members as the least helpful of those to whom they had turned for assistance. The emphasis of some religious institutions on wives’ responsibility “to obey their husbands” and the sinfulness of women’s refusal to have sexual intercourse with their husbands, perpetuate the problem of marital rape. Yllo and LeClerc (1988) and Adams (1993) offer several recommendations for religious advisors to assist marital rape survivors, including: inviting women to speak about their experiences of sexual violence, helping women to name their experiences as “rape,” focusing on the responsibility of the abuser and not the wife, and working to challenge social conventions that perpetuate marital rape. Battered Women’s Shelters and Rape Crisis Centers Two major sources of potential support for survivors of marital rape are battered women’s shelters and rape crisis centers. Research indicates that many of these organizations have failed to adequately address the problem of marital rape (Bergen, 1996; Russell, 1990; Thompson-Haas, 1987). A survey of battered women’s shelters and rape crisis centers in the United States by Bergen in 1995 revealed several deficiencies in the services being provided. For example, less than half of battered women’s shelter programs (42%) and 79% of rape crisis centers provide training on marital rape specifically to their staff members and volunteers. Bergen’s (1996) research also revealed that only 2% of battered women’s shelters and rape crisis centers provide a support group specifically for marital rape survivors. Interviews with survivors of marital rape indicate that they have different needs than battered-only women and those raped by someone other than their partners (Bergen, 1996; Hanneke & Shields, 1985). Finally, although rape crisis centers and battered women’s shelters routinely ask women about previous experiences of sexual and physical violence, fewer than half (42%) regularly asked women about experiences of marital rape. Specifically, only 17% of rape crisis centers routinely ask about rape by a partner. Asking sensitive questions about marital rape is critical because women are unlikely to volunteer this information on their own. Furthermore, merely asking if one has “ever been raped?” is insufficient because so many marital rape survivors do not identify the sexual violence as rape. Instead, women should be questioned about their partners “forcing them to do things sexually they are uncomfortable with,” “pressuring them to have intercourse,” “forcing them to have sex against their will” and so forth (Bergen, 1996; Hanneke, Shields, & McCall, 1986; Russell, 1990). Once these questions are asked, service providers must be prepared to bear witness to the stories that many survivors of marital rape will share. Bergen’s (1996) research indicated that many service providers were uncomfortable hearing about women’s experiences of sexual violence and felt that they lacked the information needed to adequately respond to these women. Training specifically on marital rape is critical for staff members and volunteers; such programs should comprehensively address characteristics of marital rape and how to identify survivors, the state’s laws on marital rape, and counseling techniques. Rape crisis centers and battered women’s shelters can provide a variety of other services for marital rape survivors including shelter, medical and legal advocacy. Many marital rape survivors would benefit from counseling. Ideally, a program would provide individual counseling as well as a group specifically for survivors of marital rape. Alternatively, offering survivors of marital rape the options of joining support groups for sexual assault survivors, battered women, or both, is beneficial, as individual women will define their needs differently. Finally, it is necessary for both battered women’s shelters and rape crisis programs to claim ownership of this problem. This can happen by including marital rape in the mission statement, providing educational programs to the community, and distributing literature on rape in marriage. Providing outreach to certain groups such as people with disabilities, and those in rural areas, samesex relationships and non-English speaking communities who may be unaware of available services is particularly critical. There are many other professionals who are in positions to assist marital rape survivors and there is a small body of research that addresses specific types of assistance. For example, Weingourt (1985) provides information for how those in the psychiatric community can identify and treat marital rape survivors in their practices. Given the physical and specifically gynecological effects of marital rape, medical professionals are important resources for marital rape survivors (see Campbell, 1989; Campbell & Alford, 1989). nally, Eskow (1996) provides a detailed analysis REFERENCES of California’s spousal rape law and some thoughts on how to reform the strategies of prosecutors and educate jury pools in order to improve the treatment of marital rape survivors in court. She suggests challenging rape myth acceptance by focusing on the trauma associated with marital rape and introducing victim syndrome evidence through expert witnesses. CONCLUSIONS Despite the fact that marital rape has not been criminalized for long in the United States, it is clearly a serious form of violence against women and worthy of public attention. The research to date indicates that women who are raped by their husbands are likely to experience multiple assaults and often suffer severe long-term physical and emotional consequences. Marital rape may be even more traumatic than rape by a stranger because a wife lives with her assailant and she may live in constant terror of another assault whether she is awake or asleep. Given the serious effects, there is clearly a need for those who come into contact with marital rape survivors to provide assistance and challenge the prevailing myth that rape by one’s spouse is inconsequential. Rape crisis counselors and advocates for battered women are in particularly important leadership positions to address the problem of marital rape in society and to assist survivors of this form of violence. In the future, researchers should continue to try to determine the prevalence of this problem in society through the use of large, nationally representative samples (Mahoney & Williams, 1998). More research on the effects of marital rape, particularly for pregnant women and the children who witness the sexual violence is necessary. Additionally, researchers should investigate the motivations for why men rape their wives and address prevention and treatment strategies. Author of this document: Raquel Kennedy Bergen, Ph.D. St. Joseph’s University Department of Sociology Adams, C. (1993). I just raped my wife! What are you going to do about it, pastor? In E. Buchwald, P. Fletcher, & M. Roth (Eds.), Transforming a rape culture (pp. 57-86). Minneapolis, MN: Milkweed Editions. Barshis, V. (1983). The question of marital rape. Women’s Studies International Forum, 6, 383- 393. Bergen, R. K. (1996). Wife rape: Understanding the response of survivors and service providers. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Bidwell, L., & White, P. (1986). The family context of marital rape. The Journal of Family Violence, 1, 277-287. Bowker, L. (1983). Beating wife beating. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books. Browne, A. (1993). Report of the Council on Scientific Affairs. I-91. Prepared for the American Medical Association. Browne, A. (1987). When battered women kill. New York: The Free Press. Campbell, J. C. (1989). Women’s responses to sexual abuse in intimate relationships. Health Care for Women International, 10, 335-346. Campbell, J. C., & Alford, P. (1989). The dark consequences of marital rape. American Journal of Nursing, 89, 946-949. Dobash, R. E., & Dobash, R. (1992). Women, violence and social change. London: Routledge. Drucker, D. (1979). The common law does not support a marital exemption for forcible rape. Women’s Rights Law Reporter, 5, 2-3.
Key Witness Testifies in Case Against Polygamist

Warren Jeffs in court
Warren Jeffs watches the proceedings during his preliminary hearing, Nov. 21, 2006, in St. George, Utah. Jeffs, the leader of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, is charged with rape as an accomplice in the marriage of a 14-year-old girl to her 19-year-old first cousin in 2001.

All Things Considered, November 21, 2006 · A young woman who says polygamist leader Warren Jeffs forced her to marry -- and have sex -- at age 14 offered dramatic testimony Tuesday in a courtroom in St. George, Utah.
Jeffs is the leader of the Fundamentalist Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, or FLDS Church. He's charged in Utah with two counts of "rape as an accomplice."
Tuesday's hearing was to determine whether the case will go to trial. It was the first time that Jeffs faced his accuser, the young woman who is the primary witness against him. NPR does not name alleged victims of sexual assaults.
She was 14, she told the court, when Jeffs ordered her into a "spiritual marriage" with her first cousin, a 19-year-old at the time, and then forced her to have sex with him. Such marriages are not legally recognized. Jeffs allegedly told the woman her salvation depended on her compliance.
In court, the young woman sobbed, cried and dabbed at tears as Jess watched her dispassionately. She described learning of her spiritual marriage, and said she was horrified and resisted. She also described the horror of her husband trying to consummate their marriage, which eventually he did.
The defense cross-examined Jess' accuser, showing photos of the couple smiling together. Defense lawyers also read from love notes her husband is said to have sent to the accuser. They also said that Jeffs gave the young woman religious advice and direction consistent with the tenets of his faith.
The hearing took place about 40 miles from the twin communities Jeffs and his group dominate. About 6,000 followers live in the border towns of Hildale, Utah, and Colorado City, Ariz. Jeffs and some of his followers also face charges in Arizona.
Are you in an abusive relationship?

The answer is YES if your partner...

* Withholds approval, appreciation or affection as punishment.

* Continually criticizes you, calls you names or shouts at you.

* Ignores your feelings.

* Ridicules or insults your most valued beliefs, your religion, race, family or class

* Is very jealous, harasses you about imagined affairs.

* Manipulates you with lies and contradictions.

* Insist that you dress the way he/she wants.

* Takes away car keys or money

* Subjects you to reckless driving.

* Locks you out of the house.

* Throws objects at you.

* Threatens you with violence.

* Abuses pets to hurt you.

* Punches, shoves, slaps, bites, kicks, chokes or hits you.

* Rapes you.

* Threatens to kidnap the children if you leave.

* Threatens to commit suicide if you leave.

How victims can assist when police respond to a domestic violence call!

* Try to stay calm.
* Describe the incident in detail.
* Show the police any injuries, bruises, or damaged property.
* Inform the officers of any witnesses.
* Tell the officers about other violent incidents.
* Show the officers any court documents you have, such as a No-Contact Restraining, Anti-harassment, or Order for Protection.
* Ask the officers for community resources such as shelters, hotlines, counseling and advocacy.
* Ask the officers for the case number of the report and a phone number if you want to follow up on the case
You can call AWAIC’s crisis line, 907-272-0100, 24-hours a day to speak with a trained advocate.

CHECKLIST - WHAT YOU NEED TO TAKE WHEN YOU LEAVE:
* Identification
* Drivers license
* Child's birth certificate
* Money
* Lease, rental agreement, house deed
* Checkbooks
* Insurance papers
* House and car keys
* Medications
* Address book
* Pictures
* Medical records (all family members)
* Social Security card
* School records
* Work permits
* Green card
* Passport
* Divorce papers

(source from www.awaic.org/leaving.html)
Lesbian and Gay Partner Abuse and Rape *I am still collecting information on this form of partner and marital rape, I am finding that there is not much information on it... when I find more I will add!

Lesbians report “physically or mentally coercive sex” more
often than do gay men. One study found that thirty-one
percent of lesbians reported forced sexual encounters
versus twelve percent of gay men. (Scholars have presumed
that lesbians and gay men disagree on what is
considered “aggressive.” Often, lesbian reports contain
statements of how they were emotionally abused as well as
physically abused. Moreover, lesbians are often times more
“sensitized” to “sexual coercion” and can more easily
identify it, while gay men more often consider “coercion as
fair play.”) (Schwartz and Rutter, 67)

1 in 10 rape victims are men. (Rathus, Nevid and Fichner-Rathus, 568)
- In a survey answered by hundreds of rape and sexual assault support agencies, they estimated that 93.7 percent of male rape perpetrators are male and 6.3 percent were female. (Greenberg, Bruess and Haffner, 575)
- Many people do not believe that male rape by a female exists. However, penile erection can be achieved under emotional duress such as anger, fear, and pain even if the male does not wish it. (Greenberg, Bruess and Haffner, 576; Lips, 234)

* In a study of 162 gay men and 111 lesbians, 52% reported at least one incident of sexual coercion by same-sex partners. Gay men experienced 1.6 incidents per person, while lesbians experienced 1.2 incidents per person. (Waldner-Haugrud, et al., 1997. "Sexual Coercion in Gay/Lesbian Relationships: Descriptives and Gender Differences." Violence and Victims, 12 (1))

15% of men who lived with a man as a couple reported being raped/assaulted or stalked by a male cohabitant. (Saltzman, et al., 1999. National Center for Injury Prevention and Control. Intimate Partner Violence Surveillance: Uniform definitions and recommended data elements.)

If you need help call 911 or your local police station. some Links that can help:
www.rapeis.org
www.RAINN.org
www.thesite.org
www.teenadvice.about.com
www.rapecrisis.org.uk
www.survive.org.uk

Women who are raped by their husbands are likely to be raped many times. They experience not only vaginal rape, but also oral and anal rape. Researchers generally categorize marital rape into three types:
Force-only rape: The husband uses only the amount of force necessary to coerce their wives.
Battering rape: Husbands rape and batter their wives. The battering may happen concurrently or before or after the sexual assault.
Sadistic /obsessive rape:Husbands use torture or perverse sexual acts. Pornography is often involved.

Women are at particularly high risk for being raped by their partners under the following circumstances:
*Women married to domineering men who view them as "property"
* Women who are in physically violent relationships
* Women who are pregnant
* Women who are ill or recovering from surgery
* Women who are separated or divorced

Sexual assault is one of the most underreported of all crimes. Victims do not report for a number of reasons, which can include, but are not limited to: *Shame
*Fear of retaliation
*Fear of being blamed
*Uncertain whether a crime has been committed
*Fear of not being believed
*Embarrassment

Healing begins with having a safe place or person to talk with about the sexual assault. Since victims may not recognize the assault as "rape" and may be confused by their feelings, it is important to open a line of communication. Some questions to ask that might open this line, without making the victim feel threatened or making the victim identify the incident as a "rape" are: *Has your partner ever made you have sex when you didn’t want to?
*Have you ever been uncomfortable with a sexual request from your partner, but did it anyway?
*Have you ever had sex with your partner because you were afraid to say "no"?
*Have you ever given into sex because your partner would not stop harassing you about it?
(sited form www.star.ak.org/Library/files/maritalrape)